Unfortunately, such figures are not available for the last fifty years or so. Many second-order divisions were further divided into two or three status categories. All associations originated in large towns, are more active in towns than in villages, and are led by prominent members in towns. Some of the other such divisions were Kathi, Dubla, Rabari, Bharwad, Mer (see Trivedi 1961), Vaghri, Machhi, Senwa, Vanzara, and Kharwa. It used to have a panch (council of leaders) and sometimes also a headman (patel). While the Rajputs, Leva Patidars, Anavils and Khedawals have been notorious for high dowries, and the Kolis have been looked down upon for their practice of bride price, the Vanias have been paying neither. Moreover, a single division belonging to any one of the orders may have more than one association, and an association may be uni-purpose or multi-purpose. These coastal towns were involved in trade among themselves, with other towns on the rest of the Indian sea coast, and with many foreign lands. Many of these names were also based on place names. In the second-order divisions of the Vanias the small endogamous units functioned more effectively and lasted longer: although the hypergamous tendency did exist particularly between the rural and the urban sections in a unit, it had restricted play. The freedom struggle brought the Indian handloom sector back to the fore, with Mahatma Gandhi spearheading the Swadeshi cause. Category:Social groups of Gujarat - Wikipedia Reference to weaving and spinning materials is found in the Vedic Literature. In all there were thirty to forty such divisions. //]]>. Till the establishment of democratic polity in 1947, hardly any caste association in Gujarat had manifest political functions. There was not only no pyramid type of arrangement among the many ekdas in a second-order Vania divisionthe type of arrangement found in the Rajput, Leva Kanbi, Anavil and Khedawal divisions-but frequently there was no significant sign of hierarchical relation, except boastful talk, between two neighbouring ekdas. 100 Most Common Surnames in India | Probability Comparison Systematic study of small caste divisions in villages as well as in towns still awaits the attention of sociologists and anthropologists. In some parts of Gujarat they formed 30 to 35 per cent of the population. Frequently, social divisions were neatly expressed in street names. Nevertheless, a breakdown of the population of Gujarat into major religious, caste and tribal groups according to the census of 1931 is presented in the following table to give a rough idea of the size of at least some castes. The incidence of exchange marriages and of bachelors in the lowest stratum among the Anavils also was high. There was a continuous process of formation and disintegration of such units. TOS 7. The Hindu population of Gujarat was divided first of all into what I have called caste divisions of the first order. The two areas merge gradually, and my field work covered most of the spectrum. Division and Hierarchy: An Overview of Caste in Gujarat Britain's response was to cut off the thumbs of weavers, break their looms and impose duties on tariffs on Indian cloth, while flooding India and the world with cheaper fabric from the new steam mills of Britain. The Khadayatas were divided into about 30 ekdas. What I am trying to point out, however, is that greater emphasis on division (Pococks difference, Dumonts separation. The institutions of both bride and bridegroom price (the latter also called dowry) were rampant in castes with continuous internal hierarchydowry mainly at the upper levels, bride price mainly at the lower levels, and both dowry and bride price among status-seeking middle level families. . They adopted Rajput customs and traditions, claimed Rajput status, and gave daughters in marriage to Rajputs in the lower rungs of Rajput hierarchy. Marco Polo a Venetian merchant on his visit to India in 13th century Gujarat observed that "brocading art of Gujarat weavers is par excellent". <>/Metadata 3086 0 R/ViewerPreferences 3087 0 R>> He stresses repeatedly the primacy of the principle of hierarchy-epitomized in the title of his book. They were thus not of the same status as most other second-order divisions among Brahmans. The main thrust of Pococks paper is that greater emphasis on difference rather than on hierarchy is a feature of caste among overseas Indians and in modern urban India. But there was also another process. All Brahman divisions did not, however, have a corresponding Vania division. Britain's Industrial Revolution was built on the de-industrialisation of India - the destruction of Indian textiles and their replacement by manufacturing in England, using Indian raw materials and exporting the finished products back to India and even the rest of the world. The following 157 pages are in this category, out of 157 total. Most of the other eighty or so second-order divisions among Brahmans, however, seem to be subdivided the way the Vania second-order divisions were subdivided into third-order and fourth-order divisions. The number of tads in an ekda or go I might be two or more, and each of them might be an endogamous units. It owned corporate property, usually in the form of vadis (large buildings used for holding feasts and festivals, accommodating wedding guests, and holding meetings), huge utensils for cooking feasts, and money received as fees and fines. Both Borradaile and Campbell were probably mixing up small endogamous units of various kinds. Also, the horizontal spread of a caste rarely coincided with the territorial boundaries of a political authority. This bulk also was characterized by hierarchy, with the relatively advanced population living in the plains at one end and the backward population living along with the tribal population in the highlands at the other end. Since after expansion of British textile markets and decline of Indian textile industry Vankars suffered a lot. All the small towns sections in each of the ekdas resented that, while the large town section accepted brides from small towns, they did not reciprocate. I do not, however, have sufficient knowledge of the latter and shall, therefore, confine myself mainly to Rajputs in Gujarat. A recent tendency in sociological literature is to consider jatis as castes. The two together formed a single complex of continental dimension. While almost all the social structures and institutions which existed in villagesreligion, caste, family, and so onalso existed in towns, we should not assume that their character was the same. There is enormous literature on these caste divisions from about the middle of the 19th century which includes census reports, gazetteers, castes-and- tribes volumes, ethnographic notes and monographs and scholarly treatises such as those by Baines, Blunt, Ghurye, Hocart, Hutton, Ibbet- son, OMalley, Risley, Senart, and others. Let me illustrate briefly. so roamed around clueless. Jun 12, 2022 . Whatever the internal organization of a second-order division, the relationship between most of the Brahman second-order divisions was marked by great emphasis on being different and separate than on being higher and lower. Together they provide a slice of Gujarati society from the sea- coast to the bordering highlands. We shall return to this issue later. They are described by the ruling elite as robbers, dacoits, marauders, predators and the like. %PDF-1.7 Today, there are two kinds of Koli areas. Patidars or Patels claim themselves to be descendants of Lord Ram. A great deal of discussion of the role of the king in the caste system, based mainly on Indological literature, does not take these facts into account and therefore tends to be unrealistic. Sometimes castes are described as becoming ethnic groups in modern India, particularly in urban India. Each ekda or gol was composed of a definite number of families living in certain villages and/or towns. The co-residence of people belonging to two or more divisions of a lower order within a division of a higher order has been a prominent feature of caste in towns and cities. Vankar - Wikipedia Advances in manufacturing technologies flooded markets in India and abroad with cheap, mass-produced fabrics that Indian handlooms could no longer compete with. Gujarat (along with Bombay) has perhaps the largest number of caste associations and they are also more active and wealthy compared to those in other regions. 1 0 obj Usually it consisted of wealthy and powerful lineages, distinguishing themselves by some appellation, such as Patidar among the Leva Kanbi, Desai among the Anavil, and Baj among the Khedawal. In the city, on the other hand, the population was divided into a large number of castes and each of most of them had a large population, frequently subdivided up to the third or the fourth order. More of them were located in the plains, than in the bordering highlands. The highland Bhils seem to have provided brides to lower Rajputs on the other side of the highlands also, i.e., to those in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh (see, for example, Doshi, 1971: 7f., 13-15; Aurora 1972: 16, 32f.). The above brief analysis of change in caste in modern Gujarat has, I hope, indicated that an overall view of changes in caste in modern India should include a careful study of changes in rural as well as in urban areas in relation to their past. They worked not only as high priests but also as bureaucrats. Nor do I claim to know the whole of Gujarat. If this rule was violated, i.e., if he married a girl with whom the Vanias did not have commensal relations, the maximum punishment, namely, excommunication, was imposed. The census reports provide such figures until 1931, but it is well known that these pose many problems for sociological analysis, most of which arise out of the nature of castes as horizontal units. : 11-15, 57-75). This was about 22% of all the recorded Mehta's in USA. Rajput hypergamy seems to have provided an important mechanism for integration of the lower caste and tribal population into the Hindu society over the entire length and breadth of northern, western, central and even eastern India. When the rural population began to be drawn towards the new opportunities, the first to take advantage of them were the rural sections of the rural-cum-urban castes. They were found in almost every village in plains Gujarat and in many villages in Saurashtra and Kachchh. A large number of priestly, artisan and service castes also lived in both villages and towns: Bramhans, barbers, carpenters, blacksmiths, shoemakers, leather-workers, scavenges, water-carriers, palanquin-bearers, and so on. The significant point, however, is that there were small endogamous units which were not, like ekdas and tads, part of any higher-order division. This list may not reflect recent changes. The prohibition of inter-division marriage was much more important than the rules of purity and pollution in the maintenance of boundaries between the lower-order divisions. No one knows when and how they came into existence and what they meant socially. The urban centres in both the areas, it is hardly necessary to mention, are nucleated settlements populated by numerous caste and religious groups. This was dramatized at huge feasts called chorasi (literally, eighty-four) when Brahmans belonging to all the traditional 84 second-order divisions sat together to eat food cooked at the same kitchen. The emphasis on being different and separate rather than on being higher and lower was even more marked in the relationship among the forty or so second-order divisions. Nowadays, in urban areas in particular, very few people think of making separate seating arrangements for members of different castes at wedding and such other feasts. While we do get evidence of fission of caste divisions of a higher order into two or more divisions of a lower order, the mere existence of divisions of a lower order should not be taken as evidence of fission in a division of a higher order. manvar surname caste in gujarat The population of certain first-order divisions lived mainly in villages. These prefixes Visa and Dasa, were generally understood to be derived from the words for the numbers 20 (vis) and 10 (das), which suggested a descending order of status, but there is no definite evidence of such hierarchy in action. This does not solve the problem if there are four orders of divisions of the kind found in Gujarat. These marriage links do not seem to have allowed, among the Kolis, formation of well organized, small, endogamous units (ekadas, gols) as were found among some other castes. When divisions are found within a jati, the word sub-jati or sub-caste is used. Today majority of these community members are not engaged in their ancestral weaving occupation still some population of these community contribute themselves in traditional handloom weaving of famous Patola of Patan, Kachchh shawl of Bhujodi in Kutch, Gharchola and Crotchet of Jamnagar, Zari of Surat, Mashroo of Patan and Mandvi in Kutch, Bandhani of Jamnagar, Anjar and Bhuj, Motif, Leheria, Dhamakda and Ajrak, Nagri sari, Tangaliya Shawl, Dhurrie, Kediyu, Heer Bharat, Abhala, Phento and art of Gudri. Many of them became the norm-setting elite for Gujaratis in the homeland. Similarly, although the number of marriages between the second-order divisions in the Vania division, i.e., between Khadayata, Modh, Shrimali, Lad, Vayada, etc., has been increasing, the majority of marriages take place within the respective second-order divisions. The co-residence of people belonging to two or more divisions of the lower orders within a division of a higher order has been a prominent feature of caste in towns and cities. A block printed and resist-dyed fabric, whose origin is from Gujarat was found in the tombs of Fostat, Egypt. It has already been mentioned that every first-order division was not divided into second-order divisions, and that every second-order division was not divided into third-order divisions, and so on. In central Gujarat, for example, one and the same division, freely arranging marriages within it, was known by several names such as Baraiya, Dharala, Khant, Kotwal, Pagi, Patelia, Talapada, Thakarada, and Thakor. Most associations continue to retain their non-political character. Although some of them set up shops in villages they rarely became full-fledged members of the village community. 2 0 obj stream Nor were ekdas and tads entirely an urban phenomenon. The arrival of the East India Company, however sounded the death knell for the Indian textile industry. The main point is that we do not completely lose sight of the lowest boundary among these three hypergamous divisions as we do among the Rajputs. I describe here three prominent units of the latter type, namely, Anavil, Leva Kanbi, and Khedawal Brahman. hu)_EYUT?:fX:vOR,4g4ce{\(wcUO %OW-Knj|qV]_)1?@{^ $:0ZY\fpg7J~Q~pHaMVSP5bLC}6+zwgv;f f^v4[|vug+vO0h t7QNP}EYm+X[x~;O|z5tq ]-39aa{g-u5n:a56&`3y.f-a@a"0v-a@$%`Z]]Iqb56aR0g 30V9EM%K"#|6uN? =O|8alCcs):~AC<5 q|om57/|Sgc}2c#)U~WL}%T]s> z. Since these were all status categories rather than clear- cut divisions, I have not considered them as constituting third-order divisions. In an area of the first kind there are no immigrant Kolis from elsewhere, and therefore, there is no question of their having second-order divisions. 92. More common was an ekda or tad having its population residing either in a few neighbouring villages, or in a few neighbouring towns, or in both. Almost all the myths about the latter are enshrined in the puranas (for an analysis of a few of them, see Das 1968 and 1977). Usually, the affairs of the caste were discussed in large congregations of some fifty to hundred or even more villages from time to time. Castes pervaded by divisive tendencies had small populations confined to small areas separated from each other by considerable gaps. To take one sensitive area of purity/pollution behaviour, the concern for observance of rules of commensality has greatly declined not only in urban but also in rural areas. The highest stratum among the Leva Kanbi tried to maintain its position by practising polygyny and female infanticide, among other customs and institutions, as did the highest stratum among the Rajput. Almost every village in this area included at least some Leva population, and in many villages they formed a large, if not the largest, proportion of the population. In recent years, however, there has been a tendency to emphasize hierarchy as the primary principle encompassing the principle of division. For example, if they belonged to two different second-order divisions, such as Shrimali and Modh, the punishment would be greater than if they belonged to two different ekdas within the Shrimali or the Modh division. Copyright 10. The small endogamous units, on the other hand, did not practise either. In the meanwhile, it is important to note that there does not seem to have been any attempt to form small endogamous units (ekdas, gols) at any level among the Rajputs unlike attempts made as we shall see, among some other hypergamous castes in Gujarat. It seems the highland Bhils (and possibly also other tribes) provided brides to lower Rajputs in Gujarat. 4 0 obj The humble Charkha (spinning wheel) and khadi became a dominant symbol of self-reliance, self-determination and nationalist pride. The main reason was that Anavils did not practise priesthood as a traditional occupation, nor were they involved in traditional Sanskrit learning. They also continued to have marital relations with their own folk. A block printed and resist-dyed fabric, whose origin is from Gujarat was found in the tombs of Fostat, Egypt. Usually, the latter were distinguished from one another by prohibition. For describing the divisions of the remaining two orders, it would be necessary to go on adding the prefix sub but this would make the description extremely clumsy, if not meaningless. Second, there used to be intense intra-ekda politics, and tads were formed as a result of some continuing conflict among ekda leaders and over the trial of violation of ekda rules. yorba linda football maxpreps; weiteste entfernung gerichtsbezirk; wyoming rockhounding locations google maps; The Rajputs, in association with Kolis, Bhils, and such other castes and tribes, provide an extreme example of such castes. Hindu society is usually described as divided into a number of castes the boundaries of which are maintained by the rule of caste endogamy. The castes of the three categoriesprimarily urban, primarily rural, and rural-cum-urbanformed an intricate network spread over the rural and urban communities in the region. There was also another kind of feast, called bhandaro, where Brahmans belonging to a lesser number of divisions (say, all the few in a small town) were invited. Thus, at one end, there were first-order divisions, each of which was sub-divided up to the fourth-order, and at the other end there were first-order divisions which were not further divided at all. Since the beginning of the modern reform movement to encourage inter-caste marriages-most of which are in fact inter-tad or inter-ekda marriagesthe old process of fission into ekdas and tads has come to a halt, and it is, therefore, difficult to understand this process without making a systematic historical enquiry. The Levas, Anavils and Khedawals provide examples of castes whose internal organization had a strong emphasis on the principle of hierarchy and a weak emphasis on that of division. Castes which did not sit together at public feasts, let alone at meals in homes, only 15 or 20 years ago, now freely sit together even at meals in homes. Frequently, a division among Vanias corresponded to a division among Brahmans. In the second-order divisions of the Leva Kanbis, the Anavils and the Khedawals, while the hypergamous tendency was strong, attempts were continually made to form small endogamous units: although the strength of the hypergamous tendency did not allow these units to function effectively, they nevertheless checked its free play to some extent. The ekdas have not yet lost their identities. Among the Kanbis, while there was hypergamy within the Leva division and possibly, similar hypergamy within the Kadva division, there was no hierarchy or hypergamy between the two second-order divisions. One of the clearly visible changes in caste in Gujarat is the increasing number of inter-divisional or so-called inter-caste marriages, particularly in urban areas, in contravention of the rule of caste endogamy. Similarly, the Vanias were divided into such divisions as Disawal, Kapol, Khadayata, Lad, Modh, Nagar, Nima, Porwad, Shirmali, Vayada, and Zarola. Usually, a single Koli division had different local names in different parts of Gujarat, but more about this later. The small town sections therefore separated themselves from the respective large town sections and formed a new ekda. The Rajputs relationship with the Kolis penetrated every second-order division among them, i.e., Talapada, Pardeshi, Chumvalia, Palia, and so on. Koli Patels are recognised as a Other Backward Class caste by Government of Gujarat. In spite of them, however, sociologists and social anthropologists have not filled adequately the void left by the disappearance of caste from the census and the gazetteer. So instead of a great exporter of finished products, India became an importer of British, while its share of world export fell from 27% to two percent. The bulk of the population was spread all over the villages as small landholders, tenants and labourers. Most inter-divisional marriages take place between boys and girls belonging to the lowest order in the structure of divisions. Because of these two major factors, one economic and the other political, Gujarat at the beginning of the 19th century had a large urban population, distributed over a large number of small towns. professor melissa murray. As regards the specific case of the Rajput-Koli relationship, my impression is that, after the suppression of female infanticide in the first half of the 19th century, the later prohibition of polygyny, and the recent removal of princely states and feudal land tenures among the Rajputs on the one hand, and the increasing sanskritization as well as Rajputization among the Kolis on the other, marriage ties between these divisions have become more extensive than before. Fortunately, they have now started writing about it (see Rao 1974). gujarati surnames castes For example, just as there was a Shrimali division among Sonis (goldsmiths). The migration of the Kolis of north Gujarat into central Gujarat and those of the latter into eastern Gujarat was a process of slow drift from one village to another over a period of time. Another major factor in the growth of urban centres in Gujarat was political. Hindu society is usually described as divided into a number of castes the boundaries of which are maintained by the rule of caste endogamy. // Marcos Ruiz Obituary, Owens Glass Medicine Bottle, Aaron Cox, Mike Trout, Chicago Police Benevolent Association, The Bolivar Humidor Cabinet, Articles M